It was unsurprising when Kemi Badenoch entered the Conservative leadership contest last. Known for her astute political instincts, it was likely part of a theatrical ploy to present herself as the frontrunner by default, a 'save the best for last’ type move. Her name has been circulating Fleet Street for some time, with many speculating that she, a young, intelligent, working-class woman, will reach the top ranks of the Tory party. During these purportedly progressive times, where identity consumes large swathes of left-wing political discourse and polite society, her appointment as the first black female British Prime Minister would strike a blow against the left. Labour, a party that specialises in the identitarian brand of politics, has ironically never appointed a woman as leader (let alone of colour) in its century of politics. Badenoch’s appointment would scupper the argument from segments of the left that the Conservatives, and those who vote for it, are guilty of racism and sexism amongst a whole host of equally untrue -isms. It would also quash the unhelpful stereotype pushed by the intersectionalists that Conservatives who critique critical race theory lack lived experience. She, a female black working-class woman of colour, has more experience than most, yet ardently rejects the presuppositions of critical race theory.
Kemi, however, is of a different breed. She understands the intellectual incoherence of such divisive narratives, pointing to their proclivity to contradict the colourblind discourse espoused by Martin Luther King. Kemi highlighted this discourse in Parliament. It is predicated on the belief that skin colour should be an irrelevance, instead advocating for a meritocratic society in which your character and merits are most important. It feeds into the constructivist argument that the more one talks about race, the more it becomes an issue as society reproduces the very thing it sets out to prevent. It would be rather ironic were Parliament the scene of a working-class woman of colour lecturing an old, white, straight man about the paradox of critical race theory. It would provide the Tories political ammunition to rebuke the false narrative that it is only the out-of-touch has-beens, the old white racist men who refuse to subscribe to the current socially liberal orthodoxy.
Kemi has also turned her considerable faculties towards gender. She suggested in June that the Equality Act needs to change to protect womens’ single-sex spaces. From a feminist perspective, Badenoch acknowledged the need to protect women’s rights in an age awash with gender ideology. She highlighted the contradictions manifest in the prima facie benign intention to create an equal environment for transgender people. Kemi argues the gratification of one identity group represented by a vocal minority has intruded on a far larger one that makes up 51% of the British population. Feminism, an ideology developed during the 19th and early 20th centuries to establish greater rights for women, has been abandoned by the same people who would have been flying the flags of the Suffragists a century ago. Badenoch is best at making such measured, intellectually nuanced arguments, rather than jumping on populist bandwagons to trump unsubstantiated right-wing talking points.
Badenoch’s ability to expose weakness in postmodernist culture war narratives illustrates her suitability as a candidate in the Tory leadership. She would intricately deconstruct Starmer’s legislative agenda and propose viable - intellectually grounded and intrinsically conservative - alternatives. That said, Badenoch's approach to politics is strategic and restrained, starkly contrasting the populist style of her right-wing rivals in Parliament. She communicates with the public in an articulate and measured manner, distancing herself from figures like Nigel Farage. Her tone however is robust and able to critique the social left objectively. The question is, can Badenoch crush populism, the appeal of which has spread like wildfire in Europe and continues to do so in the UK, with Reform amassing over 4 million votes in the 2024 General Election? The Thatcherite credentials of Badenoch might produce convincing arguments, but whether it can win over the pub-going Joe Bloggs, who likes Nigel Farage and is easily swayed by vexatious populist rhetoric, is contested.
If elected the next Conservative leader, Badenoch has a mammoth task. She must unite all party pillars and convince Tories who switched to Reform that she similarly intends to stand up against the technocratic managerial class and is better equipped to do so. To do this, she may have to refashion her usual sensible-headed politics into something more abrasive that can win over the Farageists. However, so far, she has done the opposite. Her description of capitalism as ‘not a dirty word’ is well-intentioned but fails to consider working people's general discomfort with the neoliberal order that pervades our institutions. It is possible to recognise the perks of pure capitalism whilst also attending to its drawbacks, such as the ossified wages in those parts of the country unprepared for the globalised 21st century. Global capitalism’s dependency on interconnectivity and cheap migrant labour has alienated indigenous people who can no longer find a job and, therefore, resort out of frustration to populist figureheads.
Ultimately, much depends on Kemi’s success. She may become party leader, and it would be fascinating to watch her take Keir Starmer to task over the inevitable missteps and scandals his government will preside over. But she will have to tame the populists and unite the right if she is to take the reins as British Prime Minister by 2030.
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